美国建国文献和著名演讲段落是新SAT考试中的一大重点，如何理解这些文献和演讲应该引起考生们的关注，今天新东方网SAT频道为大家带来新东方教师独家制作的新SAT阅读必读演讲解析，希望对同学们有所帮助。
罗斯福1941年1月6日国情咨文演讲
王怡
美国总统富兰克林·罗斯福1941年1月6日在国会演讲，要求国会拨款，为二战中抗击法西斯侵略的国家提供武器、物质供应，以捍卫“四大自由”，即言论自由，宗教信仰自由，享受社保的自由，不受威胁的自由。
当时，欧洲大陆在纳粹铁蹄下颤抖，与希特勒隔海对峙的英国独力难支。可是，在顽固秉持孤立主义的美国，许多人依然认为，打仗纯粹是欧洲人自家的事，大西洋彼岸的美国并没有为别人火中取栗的理由。这让罗斯福倍感焦虑。他试图用严酷的现实调动自己的国家采取更强硬的干预措施，并要求大量增加拨款，为那些对美国利益至关重要的国家充当“兵工厂”。
时值二战最惨烈的时期，希特勒宣布在被其占领的欧洲建立所谓“新秩序”，罗斯福则试图用一个更大的概念来回应——道德秩序。与“独裁者用炸弹制造的暴政”不同，道德秩序的核心便是罗斯福酝酿多时的“四项人类的基本自由”，正如他在演讲中所强调的，“人们不能只依靠武器战斗，就像不能只靠面包生活”。“我们所追求的世界秩序，是为了让自由国家展开合作，共同生活在一个友好文明的社会中。”面对国会议事厅中无数道疑惑的目光，他慷慨陈词，“我们的对外政策是基于对所有国家人权和尊严的尊重，而正义的道德力量必将获得最终的胜利。”
1941年8月，罗斯福和英国首相丘吉尔在“四大自由”的基础上，阐释了《大西洋宪章》的基本原则。“四大自由”在次年元旦被由26国联合发表的《联合国家共同宣言》正式采纳。1948年，埃莉诺·罗斯福参与起草的《联合国人权宣言》，被认为重申了“四大自由”的精神。
现代史上，很少有哪些政治概念比美国前总统罗斯福首倡的“四大自由”产生过更深广的影响，并在此后的3/4个世纪中，激励着全世界的无数人为之奋斗不息。在许多历史和政治学家看来，富兰克林·罗斯福在二战时首倡的“四大自由”，是文明社会的基础。 谈到罗斯福的历史贡献，许多人主张，他提出的四大自由“标志着新时代的开端”;也有不少人相信，将“四大自由”真正落到实处，始终是美国乃至整个世界面临的挑战。
罗斯福演讲稿：中英文
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
罗斯福演讲稿：
总统先生，议长先生，第七十七届国会的成员：
我现在向你们发表国情咨文，是处在国情咨文历史上前所未有的时刻。我之所以用“前所未有”这个词，是因为美国过去的安全从来没受到像今天这的严重威胁。
美国作为一个国家在所有时期都坚持、明确地反对任何把我们封锁在古老的中国长城后面、让文明的脚步在我们身边走过的企图。今天，为了我们的子孙后代，我们坚决反对孤立我们或孤立任何其他美洲国家的行为。
每个现实主义者都知道，当前，民主的生活方式正在世界各地受到进攻，要么是武力进攻，要么是秘密散布恶毒宣传的攻击，散布这种恶毒宣传的人企图破坏团结，挑起和平国家之间的不和。在16个月的期间里，这种进攻在一大批独立的大大小小的国家里，摧毁了整个民主的生活模式。攻击者仍在磨刀霍霍，威胁着其他大大小小的国家。
因此，作为你们的总统，我要履行宪法赋予我“向国会报告联邦的情况”(刘植荣注：引自美国宪法第2条第3款，即“国情咨文”)的职责。我认为，我有必要怀着沉重的心情向你们报告，这些发生在远离我们国家的事件，已经严重威胁到我们国家和我们民主的前途与安全。
现正，四大洲正英勇地进行着以武力保卫民主生存的战争。如果这场保卫战失败，那么欧洲、亚洲、非洲和澳洲的所有人民和一切资源将为征服者所控制。要知道，这四个洲的总人口和所有资源要超过整个西半球的人口和资源的总和的好多倍。
作为一个国家，值得我们骄傲的是我们一向仁慈。但是，我们不能再仁慈下去了，我们必须时刻警惕那些敲锣打鼓高唱抚慰论调的人。我们尤其要小心一小撮自私自利的人去剪美国鹰(刘植荣注：秃鹰是美国国徽上的中心图像，是美国的国鸟，也是美国的象征)的翅膀，用剪下的羽毛装饰他们自己的安乐窝。
最近我曾指出，现代战争可以迅速地对给我们带来具体的攻击，如果独裁国家赢得了这场战争，这种攻击肯定会发生在我们身上。
现在有一种不负责的说法，说什么我们不会马上受到来自大西洋彼岸的直接攻击。他们的理由是：如果英国海军保持实力，不会存在这样的危险;即使没有英国海军，任何敌人都不可能如此愚蠢，跨越数千英里的海洋向美国发兵，除非它事先获得一个进攻我们的战略基地。但是，我们在过去一些年里从欧洲汲取了深刻的教训，尤其是在挪威，那里一些重要港口由于叛徒和蓄谋已久的突然袭击被德军占领了。
对西半球入侵的第一阶段，不会是常规的登陆作战，而让是让一些秘密间谍和被蒙骗的人占领必要的战略要地，在美国以及整个拉丁美洲已经有很多这样的人了。只要侵略者进攻的贼心不改，将是他们——而不是我们——选择攻击的时间、地点和方式。
这就是今天所有的美洲共和国的前途面临着巨大危险的原因;这就是今年的国情咨文在我们历史上前所未有的原因;那就是每个美国政府机构和国会议员肩负着重大负担和责任的原因。
我们的当务之急是，我们的行动和政策都应该主要——几乎是惟一的——对付这种来自国外的危险，因为我们所有的国内问题现在已是这一迫在眉睫的问题的一个部分。
就像我们的内政方针是建立在尊重我们所有同胞的权利和尊严的基础上一样，我们的外交政策也是建立在尊重所有大小国家的权利和尊严的基础上的。道德的公理一定会赢得最后胜利。
我们的国策是：
第一，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们致力于全面国防。
第二，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们致力于对世界任何地方抗击侵略的人民给予全力支持，正是因为他们的英勇行为才阻止了战火向我们西半球蔓延。通过对他们的支持来表达我们对民主事业必胜的决心，从而加强我们国家的防卫和安全。
第三，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们坚持这样的主张：处于道德公理和我们自身安全的考虑，我们永远不允许默认侵略者主宰、绥靖分子支持的和平。我们知道，持久的和平不是以牺牲他人自由为代价换来的。
所以，当务之急是迅速、全力扩大武器装备的生产。企业领导和工人积极响应我们的号召，并已制定了生产目标。这些目标在某些情况下会提前达到，在某些情况下会如期达到，在某些情况下会略微延期达到，在某些情况下——我很遗憾地说，这就非常严峻了——我们都会为我们的计划任务不能按时完成而担心。
在过去一年里，美国陆军和海军取得了实质性的进步。我们的实践经验每天都在促进生产方法的改进、加速生产步伐。然而，我们不要满足于现状，而是要百尺竿头，更进一步。
我不满足目前所取得的进步。所有负责这个计划的人都训练有素、技能过硬、赤胆忠心，他们也不满足目前所取得的进步。在这项神圣的使命未完成之前，我们所有的人都不会满足我们目前所取得的进步。不管我们开始定的目标是高是低，我们的目的是用尽可能快的速度得到一个尽可能好的结果。
新的情况不断为我们的安全带来新的需求。我将请求这届国会，为我们继续开展我们已经开始的工作新增大量拨款，并给予更大的授权。我也请求国会授权为那些正在与侵略者作战的国家制造额外的军需品和各种战争装备，并给予足够的预算支持。我们最有效和最直接的角色是，充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需人力，他需要的是价值数十亿美元的防卫武器。
用不了多久，他们将无力用现款偿付这些防御武器。我们不能也不会因为他们目前无力支付他们必须购买的武器费用，就告诉他们投降。
我不会建议，我们为他们提供美元贷款，让他们用这些贷款购买他们所需要的武器，将来让他们用美元偿还贷款。我建议，我们设法使那些国家继续从美国取得战争物资，把他们的订单纳入我们的生产计划。一旦我们处于紧急时期，我们可以把他们所订购的所有战争物资用于我们自己的防卫。
根据经验丰富的陆军和海军部门的建议，可以考虑怎么做最有利于我们自己的安全，我们可以自主决定这些战争物资应该留在美国多少，应该拨给我们的外国朋友多少。正是由于他们英勇顽强的抵抗，才使我们赢得了为我们自己作防卫准备的时间。
我们送到国外的一切物资，都将得到偿还，在战争结束后相当短的时间里，他们就会偿还我们，他们可以用类似的物资偿还我们，或者根据我们的要求，用许多他们能够生产的也是我们需要的产品偿还我们。
让我们郑重地对民主国家说：“我们美国人极为关怀你们保卫自由的战争。我们正让我们的实力、我们的资源和我们的组织力量发挥作用，给你们恢复和维持一个自由世界的力量。我们会给你们送去数量与日俱增的舰艇、飞机、坦克和枪炮。这是我们的决心，也是我们的誓言。”
独裁者会认为，我们对那些勇敢抵抗他们侵略的民主国家进行支持，是对国际法的侵犯或是战争行为，为了实现我们对民主国家的承诺，我们不会因独裁者的威胁而畏缩。尽管一个独裁者(刘植荣注：指希特勒)会一再强调这是战争行为，但我们的援助决不是战争行为。
还有，如果独裁者准备对我们发动战争，他们是不会等待我们采取战争行为的。挪威、比利时、荷兰没有采取战争行为，独裁者照样进攻它们。独裁者只对单边国际法感兴趣，不是共同遵守这个国际法，因而把国际法变成了一个压迫的工具。未来几代美国人的幸福，主要取决于我们对这些受侵略国家提供的支持是不是有效、是不是及时。没有人能知道，我们会面临何等紧迫的情况，在国家生死存亡的紧急关头，绝对不允许把国家的双手捆绑起来。
是的，我们必须作好准备，我们所有的人都要作好准备，为那种几乎和战争本身一样严峻的非常时期的紧急要求作出牺牲。不管何时，任何阻碍迅速而有效进行防卫准备的事都必须让路给国家需要。
当然，这不是说现在我们任何人都不该考虑社会和经济问题，这些问题是引起社会革命的根本问题，这种革命是当今世界存在的一个主要因素，我之所以这样说出来，是因为一个健全巩固的民主政治基础不存在什么神秘的事情。我们人民对他们的政治和经济制度的一些基本的东西所抱的希望十分简单，那就是：
青年人和其他人机会均等。
能工作的人有工作做。
公民按需得到社会保障。
结束少数人享有的特权。
所有人的民权得到保护。
享受科学进步的成果，使生活水平不断得到普遍提高。
在我们这个混乱和极端复杂的现代世界中，这些是决不应忽视的简单而基本的东西。我们的经济和政治制度本身是否能得到人民的永久信任，这取决于让他们这些希望得以实现的程度。
有不少与我们社会经济有关的事项亟需得到改善，例如：
我们应该让更多的公民享受养老金和失业保险。
我们应该扩大那种使人们得到充分医疗照顾(刘植荣注：美国为65岁以上的老年人和残疾人提供的医疗保障系统)的机会。
我们应该设计出一套更好的制度，使那些应当得到并需要一个待遇好的工作的人能得到一份好工作。
我曾号召要作出个人牺牲，并且我相信，几乎每个美国人都心甘情愿地响应这个号召。个人牺牲包括交纳更多的税款。在我的预算里，我将建议，由税收支付的国防开支比例应该比今天的更大。人们不应该试图，也不允许，从这个计划里变成富翁，我们坚持让赋税与公民纳税能力相适应的原则指导我们的立法。
如果国会坚持这些原则，把爱国主义置于金钱利益之上的选民就会为你们喝彩。
在未来的岁月里，我们力求让生活安定，并期待一个建立在四项人类基本自由基础上的世界。
第一，在世界任何地方，都有发表言论和表达意思的自由。
第二，在世界任何地方，人人都有以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由。
第三，在世界任何地方，免于匮乏的自由。从世界范围来说，就是经济上的融洽关系，它将保证世界每个国家为自己的公民提供安康的生活环境。
第四，在世界任何地方，免除恐惧的自由。从世界范围来说，就是在世界范围进行彻底裁军，达到任何国家都没有能力对任何邻国发动武装侵略的程度。
这不是千年之遥的幻想，在我们这一代它就可以在全世界现实。我们所期望的这种世界与独裁者企图用爆炸建立的所谓暴政“新秩序”截然相反。对于那个新秩序，我们用更伟大的观念与之对抗，那就是道德秩序。一个优良的社会能够毫不畏惧地面对征服世界和外国颠覆的图谋。
美国有史以来，我们一直致力于变革、致力于长期的和平革命。和平革命就是不间断地、平静地调整自己，以适应变化了的环境。和平革命不需要集中营，也不需要或万人坑。我们寻求的世界秩序，是自由国家在友好、文明的社会里的通力合作与共同努力。
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